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“I don’t think Pedro Sánchez can finish his term”

From Latin America, we usually see Spain as a unitary and stable country, which is why it is difficult, beyond the Atlantic, to understand its current political crisis. For the writer Sergio del Molinoone of the most influential peninsular guests of the Hay Festival in Arequipa, it is about a mutual lack of knowledge: “All countries are unknown to each other. “We don’t know beyond what happens on our street and little beyond,” ironically the author of “Empty Spain”. For Del Molino, it is normal that Spain is perceived as a unitary country because, to a large extent, it continues to be so. However, it is clear, the political noise is getting worse.

“In general, more or less aware people in Spain know that we live in a privileged corner of the world, and that institutional solidity is much stronger than it seems. But if we say this, we would be accused of legitimizing the status quo. “This state of permanent hysteria in which we live leads us to not value what we can lose.”warns the writer, who at the Mistiana event presented his most recent book, “Un tal González”, focused on the historic leader of the PSOE and third president of the Government of Spain between 1982 and 1996. At 81 years old, Felipe González remains as a character who influences and intervenes in the debate in his country, although without political leadership. “That time ended with his resignation. His political work ends there.“, says.

“González is a current figure and a historical figure at the same time“explains Del Molino about an uncomfortable leader, who generates controversy in his country around his legacy. “The Spaniards would have liked him to remain silent, even to have died. “His is an annoying presence.”it states.

In October 2022, Sergio del Molino publishes Un tal González (Alfaguara), a novel based on real events in which he narrates, with the figure of Felipe González as the backbone, how Spain passes, in less than a generation, from the mass and the single party to advanced democracy and complete integration in Europe.

– Because?

Because he has very critical positions with the socialist party itself. It represents a generational struggle within the tradition of the PSOE. Since his own governments were also very divisive and controversial, there is a lot of hatred towards him.

—How justified do you think González’s criticism of the current Pedro Sánchez government is?

He is partly right. In part it is easy to share their fears and their criticism of the drift and institutional deterioration of the Government. He seeks to intervene in a very intense way, but his time has passed. I think it’s great that an older man says whatever he wants: at 81 years old you have every right in the world to say what you think. But it is true that he also participated in many gray moments in the history of Spain. He does not have the legitimacy to establish authority.

— Do you think that the character of the politicians of your time differs from those of today?

Yes, because the time differs too. Spain was very different and required other types of politicians.

—How do you define the politicians of the transition?

They were very possibilistic. They put the final objective, the stability and consolidation of democracy, above their political programs and ideologies. The generation of politicians who came together saw that very clearly. They were able to ‘betray’ their own, for the benefit of the entire country. That was very positive and we were lucky that they were able to see it.

—And the current politicians?

Today’s politicians do not have that generosity. They also do not have a clear country project. His perspective has more to do with the short term and staying in power. We live in a situation of much weaker political majorities, in a much more polarized society. Ours is a society that does not have such harsh memories of political violence. Felipe González’s generation operated in a society that had fear in its body, that remembered in its flesh what the Civil War was like, the shootings, Franco’s political repression. On the contrary, Pedro Sánchez’s generation, my generation, has not processed the consequences of political violence. We believe that in these political discussions the blood will never reach the river, because we have never seen it, despite having lived under the terror of ETA and others.

Sergio del Molino, Spanish writer, participated in the 2018 International Book Fair in Lima (Photos Nancy Chappell)

— Today we speak of a polarized Spain, the latest elections demonstrate this. Could we compare this division to what happens in Brazil, the United States or Latin America?

Without a doubt, it is a period evil. What differentiates the Spanish case is that there has not been a charismatic populist leader who has taken advantage of this polarization. There has not been a Trump, a Bolsonaro, a figure capable of instrumentalizing the discontent and diffuse discomfort of the masses. But the dynamics of polarization and the specific discomfort of many people who feel excluded from the system occur in all countries and in Spain it is expressed with its own traditions.

— Curiously, the Spanish right accuses Pedro Sánchez of being charismatic and populist…

Talking about Pedro Sánchez as a charismatic person is making a joke. He is a very gray person. The thing is that he is a very skilled politician. Sánchez does not move well in the discourse of the masses, he is not a tribune. He is a man of offices and cliques, very skilled as a conspiratorial politician. But he is a lousy speaker, unable to connect.

—How dangerous do you see Sánchez’s negotiation with the independence movement Carles Puigdemont to retain the government?

Now it is very difficult to make predictions, I see enormous uncertainty. There are many people who foresee institutional deterioration, the end of the rule of law, they even warn about a kind of apocalypse. Others, the government’s supporters, see the opposite. I am not clear about either scenario. I have my doubts that we are heading towards an apocalypse. But what has been introduced into the equation is enormous uncertainty, which makes any analysis futile. The points of agreement with Puigdemont and his Junts per Catalunya party are a lot of vagueness. Converting each of them into laws can take an entire legislature. Right now the stability of the government is very fragile. Removing any law will require a very tough negotiation. This is likely to lead to an inactive government and a very short legislature. I think we are going to deepen the political instability in which we are immersed.

— Do you think Sánchez will finish his new mandate?

I don’t believe it. I find it very difficult. With this very heterodox composition, with right-wing and anti-establishment parties, I do not think they will support it to approve progressive laws. Puigdemont comes from a tradition of destroying public health! With these traveling companions it is very difficult to face the structural laws that the country needs to shore up a social State as battered as the Spanish one. It is very difficult for Pedro Sánchez to achieve anything beyond some budgets and a couple of laws.

Source: Elcomercio

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