Xenophobia and racism: the drama of Africans in Brazil (and that has no time to end)

The murder of Moise Kabamgabea 24-year-old Congolese who lived in Brazil more than half of his life, he has set off alarms. Kabamgabe, who as a child fled with his mother from the war, demanded payment for two days’ work as a waiter, but the employer not only did not comply, but also killed him by beating him with a piece of wood.

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“this is not an isolated case“, He says Karina Quintanilha, researcher at the State University of Campinas and lawyer specializing in migration and refuge. “What is behind it is the violence against black people, a violence that the State practices and that usually ends in death. In Brazil, as a victim of police violence, we have a george floyd every 23 minutes”, he explains in reference to the African American murdered by the police in 2020.

Quintanilha notes that, consequently, the situation experienced by African migrants is serious: many work in extremely precarious conditions and suffer the same violence as Kabamgabe. The origin of these abuses, highlights the specialist, is in the history of the nation.

“We know that Brazil is an extension of the Congo. Until the 19th century, 70% of the enslaved population was from the land of Kabamgabe. This migration is reflected in our culture, in the samba. Also in the language“.

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The rulers, however, were very clear that the color and origin of foreigners should be controlled. According to Quintanilha, different governments and until the 20th century opted for eugenic policiestrying to stimulate the migration of white Europeans, as well as the prohibition, criminalization and expulsion of Africans.

“We live with the consequences to this day. The extreme right that governs Brazil today rejected the migration law approved in 2017. In addition, there were virtual mobilizations and in the streets that pointed to this legislation as a threat to the country”.

What did the law mandate? Quintanilha explains that it repealed the status of foreigners inherited from the dictatorship and made migratory policies compatible with the Federal Constitution of Brazil of 1988. And when it seemed that the rights of migrants would finally be defended by legislation, sergio moro -remembered for his role in the trial car wash and now a candidate for the presidency – appeared and, through a series of laws, created barriers, such as, for example, a rule on summary deportations.

“With the extreme right in power, attempts to silence movements that denounce structural racism have been normalized. The best example is Marielle Franco. It is still not known who sent it to send it. Meanwhile, there is data that proves that xenophobia and racism increased in the country”.

“Today, we know that migrants feel more fear, more insecurity, due to cases of discrimination, attacks and hate speech that come from powerful groups”.

What is palpable, explains Quintanilha, is a great contradiction in migration policies, “especially in these times of pandemic”. “There are many complaints that indicate that the State mediates so that internalized migrants [parte del programa del gobierno que busca distribuir su presencia en el interior del país]mostly Venezuelans and Haitians, end up working for large corporations in slave labor”.

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Three people murdered Moise Kabagambe in Rio de Janeiro on February 5 of this year. In the image we see the indignation of a group of protesters in Sao Paulo. AFP (NELSON ALMEIDA/)

migration today

Quintanilha explains that, currently and as part of the South-South migratory flows, there would be three types of African migration to Brazil. The first is that of students who usually come from Portuguese-speaking countries. The second it is that of workers with work visas, who may be teachers or who are part of some type of exchange between transnational companies.

The third is the most significant numerically: that of African men and women in a refugee situation, those fleeing geopolitical conflicts, structural unemployment or environmental problems. They choose Brazil almost by default: the borders of Europe Y U.S are closed, in many nations the right to refuge has been suspended, the expansion of migrant detention centers, etc.

“This is a transit migration. Many times, Africans seek refuge status to spend time here, until they can continue traveling along the alternative and dangerous routes that, above all, lead to USA”.

Migrants usually arrive from angola, Guinea-Bissau, Nigeria, Senegal, congo, Ghanawhile refugees mainly from the Democratic Republic of Congo. They focus mainly on Sao Paulo, Rio de Janeiro Y Niteroiand their lives are usually carried out in informality.

“Even with university degrees and experience, Africans face many barriers to accessing the formal market”.

Kabamgabe’s case portrays the situation perfectly: he arrived in a very small country, he could be considered a citizen, and he only found a job without a contract, without labor rights and in extreme precariousness.

Photograph of a protest in Rio de Janeiro, in the same place where Moise Kabagambe was killed. AFP (CARL DE SOUZA/)

“The migration law of 2017 put on the table the right to migratory regularization and others. But we know that most African migrants are denied applications and ultimately end up in a legal limbo that encourages systematic rights violations.”.

And although it may still be too early to say that the Kabamgabe tragedy marks a turning point in Brazilian society, it is true that it has made visible the conditions in which African migrants live.

Last Saturday, hundreds of people gathered in São Paulo, Salvador, Belo Horizonte and Brasilia, to claim for his death. Quintanilha concludes:

“The Kabamgabe case has reverberated in an unprecedented way: protests were organized in more than 20 cities, shouting: ‘Justice for Moise’, ‘The lives of black migrants matter’. This should bring real change, as well as more challenges to migration policies”.

ANOTHER LOOK

Andrea Pacheco Pacifico answers, a professor at the State University of Paraíba specializing in migration and displaced persons.

– What does the murder of refugee Moise Kabamgabe tell us about Brazil?

Brazil is not an open society. There is this false knowledge, this false idea that Brazil is friendly to migrants and foreigners. It is not so in practice. 200 years ago, Brazilians were spoken of as cordial, but statistics show that we are completely different. Mainly, discrimination is economic and racial.

Economic because there are wealthy people of African descent who do not feel the discrimination that Afro-descendants do who do not have money and who are at the bottom of the social pyramid from the middle class, lower middle class to the poor.

At the university we have student exchanges and when visitors come from other countries who have fair complexions, they are invited more to social gatherings, they are welcomed; on the other hand, those who are from Africa, Cape Verde or Haitians.

There is more discrimination against Haitians, Congolese, Senegalese in the south of the country. In the West, as society is more mestizo, discrimination is veiled. But in the south, in states like Santa Catarina or Paraná, whose predominant population is white of European origin, they do not accept these groups. Coincidentally, most of these migrants are in that area.

– Does the current situation in Brazil play for or against African refugees?

Racial discrimination against Africans is one of the characteristics of Brazilians. Now, in a country that is right-wing and even when discrimination is spoken of more clearly, the media shows the groups that discriminate and thus they feel protected. From what we’ve seen, I get the impression that they feel that way.

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Source: Elcomercio